Villages
‘We’re a democracy, we can’t do things the way we would like to do them.” Breaking the Silence Releases Testimonies from Operation Cast Lead
Jul 15th
Today, Breaking the Silence has released its testimony from soldiers who fought in the recent Gaza offensive, Operation Cast Lead. Breaking the Silence is one of the most valuable and important NGO’s operating in Israel today. They ‘aim ultimately to stimulate public debate about the moral price that Israeli society as a whole has been paying for a reality in which young soldiers face a civilian population on an everyday basis and control its life.’
Over the past six months they have been collecting testimonies from soldiers that served in Operation Cast Lead about the reality of the war from their eyes and experience. I have read the document and was shocked at the stories on so many levels. The fact that white phosphorus was used as a weapon, the absolute destruction of Gaza, the “shoot first ask questions later” mentality, the atmosphere of sick untouchability of the commanders telling their troops to act brutally and finally the absolute lies that the State of Israel put out about its conduct in the Gaza war. The international media is beginning to cover the story and most of the news coverage today regards IDF using human shields during the Gaza campaign. What words can I put down as commentary for this? How do you discount the testimony of a soldier who was ordered to use human shields or destroy entire neighborhoods?
A passage that struck me is on page 54 and I have reprinted it below.
Testimony 24- Regarding Briefings & House Demolitions
I was a D-9 operator, and was called up for reserve duty on Saturday, January 3rd, I think, got there on January 4th.
Which is just when the ground –offensive began, right?
Yes
So you arrive and get briefed, what were the briefings you had?
Yes. Target practice, a drill here, a drill there. The infantry really trained hard, but we had nothing to train with, there was no equipment. In short, what shocked me was a talk we had with the commander of ***, he’s a colonel, and he gave our whole battalion a talk. First of all he started out with something like, “Unfortunately we’re a democracy, so we can’t demolish Gaza to the extent that we’d really like.” Perhaps he didn’t actually say ‘unfortunately’ but he repeated, twice, that ‘the fact we’re a democracy works against us, for the army cannot act as aggressively as it would like.” Then he said once again that we’re going into this operation aggressively, without… Usually in such talks the army, the commanders mention the lives of civilians and showing consideration to civilians. Here he didn’t even mention this. Just the brutality, go in there brutally.
Those are the words he used?
Yes. He said, “In case of any doubt, take down houses. You don’t need confirmation for anything, if you want.” Perhaps it’s legitimate, but if you suspect the presence of an explosive charge, you should get confirmation for a tank to fire. In short, a tank would fire a shell on the basis of a suspected charge. This is perhaps legitimate, but he also said, “Fortunately the hospitals are full to capacity already, so people are dying more quickly.” Then someone answered him, one of the soldiers replied cynically: “So kill the doctors” The commander replied dismissingly, not understanding his cynical intent, twice: “We’re a democracy, we can’t do things the way we would like to do them.” He didn’t leave anytime for questions, either.
Jerry Haber at the Magnes Zionist just finished reading the document and has these conclusions:
1. Operation Cast Lead was a “war” in which only one side fought and fought with little restraint.
2. White phosphorus was used against international conventions.
3. The devastation was enormous, on an unprecedented scale in the Israeli warfare.
4. Vandalism was
5. Gazans Were Used as Human Shields
In Israel, Haaretz broke the story and currently is featuring the story on its English website. It is curious that the Hebrew version of Haaretz has the story placed “under the fold”. The Jerusalem Post is not even covering the story yet and Ynet has a small headline in its news section. The BBC, by contrast, is carrying the story as its main headline.
Antony Loewenstein Accompanies Ta’ayush for a Day
Jul 13th
Antony Loewenstein joined Ta’ayush last Saturday for our picnic at an illegal outpost. He filled a lovely report at Mondoweiss today about the day:
Dining at a hamburger joint on the weekend in Jerusalem with a few members of Israeli peace group Ta’ayush,including Joseph Dana, we were struck by the people eating around us. They were mostly young, American Jews laughing and enjoying the atmosphere. They were living the dream. A short stay in Israel for them is a blast. Parties, some history, Zionist indoctrination and mission accomplished. Palestine and Palestinians don’t exist. The occupation is invisible. The West Bank is “dangerous”, their parents and guides tell them. It is a false Israel, an illusion that is carefully crafted and maintained. Without it, the Zionist entity would collapse but there’s no evidence that’s happening any time soon.
A day with Ta’ayush activists on Saturday was a necessary counter-point to this other Israel. We met in central Jerusalem at 7 am and soon around 15 Israeli Jews and a few internationals arrived. One Ta’ayush member, Daniel, born in Russia but now an Israeli citizen, told me that he had no hope that Israeli society would change without outside pressure. Some others gathered, ranging in age from 20s to 50s and from students to academics, and they thought similarly. Sadly, the Israeli Left is dead. Now only a handful of groups actively pursue human rights in Palestine and challenge Israeli military policies. They feel utterly alone in this pursuit.
Dana has written about the difficulties experienced by our mini-bus at a checkpoint near Jerusalem. Our IDs were taken – humorously, the soldiers were unable to find the number on my passport, despite it being clearly marked – and we were unable to leave for over an hour. It was simply a case of ritual humiliation. The IDF had no right to hold us or refuse entry into the West Bank, but arbitrary rules are the name of the game under occupation. The soldiers were young, under 20 like most of them, and clearly bored. They wanted to show who was boss and what better way than annoying a handful of mouthy Israelis? We eventually turned back, found another checkpoint and sailed past. So much for being a security threat.
It’s hard to convey the sparseness of the West Bank. Palestinian villages are scattered here and there with groaning settlements sitting above or near them, often shadowing their daily rituals. The first action of the day was eating a picnic at an illegal outpost next to the settlement of Susya in the southern West Bank.
There has been a great deal of discussion in the Western press recently about the nature of outposts and the apparent clash over them between Barack Obama and Benjamin Netanyahu. Amos Harel wrote in Haaretz a few days ago that this debate is a convenient distraction:
“The outposts are a continuation of the settlements by other means. The sharp distinction Israel makes between them is artificial. Every outpost is established with a direct connection to a mother settlement, with the clear aim of expanding the takeover of the territory and ensuring an Israeli hold on a wider tract of land. Construction in the outposts is integrated into the overall plan of the settlement project and is carried out in parallel to the seizure of lands within and close to the settlements.”
The reality of outposts is deception on a mammoth scale, a price paid principally by Palestinians whose private land is being stolen.
Ta’ayush activist Jesse Hochheiser visited the same outpost near Susya in June and blogged about his experiences. The photographs on the post clearly show the early stages of a concrete house. On Saturday, that house had progressed and looked nearly finished. A makeshift synagogue was erected nearby, a collection of branches and sticks. The outpost is illegal under both Israeli and international law.
We were invited by the Palestinian owner of the land to ascent “Flag Hill” and have the picnic. We had passed through a few Palestinian villages on the way, quiet baking in the hot, morning sun. A few children stood and stared while the men looked happy to have company. Women were largely absent.
The groups of activists, from Ta’ayush and the International Solidarity Movement, spread out and began walking up the small, rocky hill. A number of IDF soldiers saw and approached us but had no authority to stop our journey. We continued, a hot breeze blowing, and many of us carried frozen drinks and food for the picnic.
It was a surreal sight. Around 25 Israelis and internationals walking on Palestinian land, accompanied by IDF soldiers, simply wanted to enjoy a meal on a hilltop. It was a provocation, of course, but a legal one. I was constantly told during the day that it was important to bear witness and document the insidious ways in which the IDF protects the religious settlers and refuses to offer the same courtesy to the Palestinians. The Israeli Supreme Court has ruled that Palestinians should not be blocked from accessing their agricultural lands but this is rarely, if ever, enforced. American tax-dollars at work.
We reached the summit, plastic sheets were unfolded and watermelon, hummus and pita bread were laid on the ground. People began eating and singing. One of the activists was Ezra Nawi, currently facing prison for lawfully protesting. The Palestinian owner of the land explained in Arabic his right to be there and farm the area. A Ta’ayush activist said in English that they the IDF had no right to remove them.
But within a few minutes, many more soldiers arrived and a commander announced that we had five minutes to disperse or we would be arrested. It was a “closed military zone”, an oft-used term to suggest an emergency situation when, in fact, there is no emergency. There were no settlers to be seen, so the IDF’s motives were clear. The goal was to protect the nascent outpost and allow it to flourish. From little things, big things grow.
Nawi was soon dragged away, as were a few others (though released soon after, Nawi was hit some time later by soldiers.) Watermelon and pita bread lay strewn across the dirt. Many activists filmed the proceedings, including a German documentary maker who captured soldiers physically abusing one of the detained. An IDF soldier sprinted after him, clearly trying to obtain or blank the tape of evidence. He failed, not least because activists rushed to protect his camera.
Looking around from the hilltop, it was hard to imagine the religious significance of the place. Fundamentalist Jews regard all of the West Bank as granted by God, but what of many in the Diaspora? At the moment the IDF soldiers were dragging away non-violent activists, in clear breach of Israeli law, I wanted my Zionist colleagues to watch with their own eyes and tell me this was a Judaism of which they could be proud. Protecting settlers ensures a never-ending occupation. I was astounded to hear that the Israelis often used obscure British and Ottoman colonial laws to restrict access to particular West Bank areas.
Joseph Dana told me later in the day that, “Israel is a country directed by the military. A dictatorship with relative freedom of speech, but virtually no debate about the behaviour of the IDF.” Most Israelis either don’t want to know or know and don’t care.
The next visit of the day was Hilltop 26, a tiny outpost near the major settlement of Kiryat Arba (Dana and his partner Mairav Zonszein wrote about the saga for Haaretz recently and documented the IDF’s consistent protection of the settlers). The outpost itself has been destroyed a number of times by the Israeli state but magically re-appeared soon after. It’s political theatre of the most serious kind.
The outpost reminded me of a shantytown. Rubbish littered the area around the makeshift house. Tin, plastic and synagogue seats were seemingly thrown together to please God. A handful of teenage boys with light moustaches paced the hilltop, one videoing the activists who had arrived unannounced. A small bookshelf, dirty couches, a battered van, dogs without water tied in the beating sun and a sign of progress; electricity. When a Ta’ayush activist accused one of the religious fundamentalists of this fact, he accused her of being a “liar”. A light bulb gave the game away.
The IDF soon arrived. The activists were simply making their presence known to the settlers and letting them know that they were being watched. The outpost was illegal under Israeli and international law. Soon more soldiers appeared in trucks. Around 20 IDF officers for 30 activists. Some heated words were exchanged between the settler kids and activists in Hebrew. It was a standoff that legally should have ended only one way; the settlers would be removed and refused entry back to the land. Alas, the state’s response was predictable.
We were soon told that the area was a closed military zone and we would have to leave. A couple of Ta’ayush activists had decided to try and get arrested to keep their colleague Ezra company; they believed in never leaving anyone alone in custody. We stood our ground then pulled back. More IDF soldiers arrived. The settlers growled like rabid animals. One even remained seated in a crusty couch for most of the encounter, such was his confidence in remaining put. We moved forward, tried to engage some of the Ethiopian IDF officers, then withdraw. It was a highly co-ordinated dance.
Soon some of the officers approached the settlers and presented them with an order to leave. An intense discussion ensued, with squinted eyes checking out the court order. We were again ordered to leave the area. The settlers hesitated and complained. During this entire time, a dusty breeze and mosquitoes created an uncomfortable atmosphere.
Word had clearly emerged that the settlers were under watch. Some female friends of theirs arrived, and although I’d been warned that they often spat in the direction of the activists, this time they merely shot daggers in our direction. I wondered how God felt about extremist kids robbing other’s land in his name.
The theatre performance progressed. The activists were directed to move down the hill and the settlers followed soon after. We saw them joking with the soldiers, so we knew that their removal would be temporary, probably no more than 10-15 minutes.
Later in the day, Ta’ayush activist Mairav Zonszein told me that she wondered how Palestinians cope with their reality day in, day out. Human rights workers monitor, film, document and disseminate the reality of the occupation, but most of them live in relatively comfortable Jerusalem or Tel Aviv.
A day in the life of the West Bank.
Feeling the Hate in Tel Aviv The Sequel To The Censored Video
Jul 13th
Max Blumenthal has produced a follow up to our video entitled Feeling the Hate in Jerusalem which was banned from Youtube after receiving over 400,000 hits in one week.
The Occidental Israeli
Jun 7th
A “cynical” former former blogging as the Occidental Israeli has been touched by the video that Max Blumenthal and I produced. Here is a collection of his comments to me regarding the video. If you would like to attack me without addressing the issues that it raises then here is your guide. Enjoy! PS I have removed my responses from the time so that his point of view can shine on its own.
First Comment:
Honestly – very amateurish and in poor taste. I very, very rarely agree with Jewschool on almost anything – but this time they were right. The overwhelming majority of people you filmed are NOT ISRAELI (2 were?). They’re clearly pre-college Americans on year-long programs in Israel. As said on Jewschool “It’s a very recognizable demographic in Israeli life.” Only two people You said twitter “what life is like in Jerusalem.” Again, that is not “life in Jerusalem” that is an EXTREMELY narrow part of the spectrum – that are, again, NOT ISRAELI. Second, there are 200,000 Israelis of American background – that’s under 3.5% of Jewish Israelis. So even if you do argue that a good percentage of those in the video are Israeli (which I do not buy) – that’s still a TINY part of society. So yes, you managed to find plenty of racist idiots with big mouths. They’re not Israeli, and saying this is a video about “the feeling in Jerusalem” is very misleading. And yes, there are another bunch of people who are drunk and say they hate Obama. Big deal. Plenty of Americans say the same about Bush. Big whoop. (I care for neither by the way).
Next Comment:
I know Jerusalem well. I know Israeli society well. Yes many have will express the sentiment is “f*** Obama” – the sentiment would be the same to anyone who tells Israel what to do, on any level.
Only 2 were not Israeli? I’m sorry but I really don’t buy that (nor do I think you went around asking for people’s IDs). I’m sorry I’ve seen those crowds – generally study abroad/yeshiva/year course idiots.
Not Israelis:
1. 0:30 talking about “talking away my gun rights” – not Israeli.
2. 0:47 Guy who claimed to have worked on Obama campaign.
3. 1:04 Idiot girl who mentioned her major (the stupidest Israeli knows who Netanyahu is).
4. 1:30 Her friend who didn’t know who Netanyahu is either.
5. 2:18 Kid who wears a Chai necklace (when’s the last time you saw an anglo oleh wear a chai??) and talked about how he’s going to teabag Obama.
6. 2:27 Talking about eating watermelon and chicken wings (yes, he was a racist) -
That’s 3.
Also, you said they weren’t drunk? How do you know? They certainly seemed drunk in the video, you went around from person to person looking for soundbites.
Most were very young, too – not representative of entire society (you can only blame the parents so much).
“reflective of a huge part of the American Jewish community and their thoughts” You did not present it that way, which is why it is most misleading. If you’re going to present something about Jewish sentiment in Jerusalem, the assumption is that it will be about Israeli society – not about the American Jewish community.
“Go to the settlements” I’ve been to the settlements. Not the topic of discussion for this post, but I have far more experience with the “settlement movement” than anyone else I’ve seen post online. Many years of experience, from the inside. People are not as racist as the idiots you caught on tape. In any case, that’s irrelevant – you filmed in Jerusalem, in an attempt to present something as representative of Jerusalem. That is not representative of Jerusalem, and the settlements have nothing to do with it.
Next Comment:
Oh – one more thing. How could not I have picked up on this.
It’s a Wednesday night and most of those people are army age. At that age the overwhelming majority of Israelis are on base. Not out in Jerusalem.
Next Comment:
Again, 18-21 year-old Israelis would not be out on a Wednesday night. They would be on an army base.
Also, except for two people everyone in the video was also around the same age- not representative of a society.
The sentiment might not be covered, but even you said it was of the “American Jewish community.” You presented it as a video from Jerusalem. That is very misleading.
Ed Note:
To me he sums up the banal nature of the criticism I have received about the video. His main argument is that I have an agenda and in reality this type of thing could never happen. Of course, this is false and indeed amateurish. Anyone with a critical mind can see the very real issues in American and Israeli Jewry that this video raises. Those that do not want to see it prefer to discredit these children as not members of Israeli and American society or at least as a few bad apples. It is better to banter about which yeshiva or what area of town these children live in and not what is coming out of their months. Based on the reaction to this video and the rise of politicians like Lieberman, we are collectively not willing to address the issue of hate and racism in Jewish and Israeli society.
The OI has Jeffery Goldberg listed on his blogroll. Perhaps a starting point for real discussion about this video would be his statement in the Atlantic:
Max Blumenthal goes to downtown Jerusalem and prompts drunk American Jewish kids to say horrible things about Obama. On the one hand, Blumenthal is an exploiter who doesn’t seem to like Israel very much; on the other hand, the things these pathetic kids say are repulsive and the yeshivas that sent them to Israel are due for a serious soul-search this Yom Kippur. Their children are an embarrassment to Judaism.
I am you when I am I
May 26th
Friend number 6 has forwarded me a terribly interesting opinion piece written by the famed settler Itamar Ben Gvir. In it he argues against a law that is proposed in the Knesset barring Israeli citizens from protesting in front of the houses of politicians.
He argues that, “the main question here is where would this stop? Today we cannot protest opposite the home of a public official, tomorrow we won’t be allowed to protest outside offices, and in two days the right to protest may be banned altogether, because it’s insulting, loud, and bothersome – yet this is not democracy.”
After being arrested for using my right of protest as a citizen of a democratic country I totally agree with Ben Gvir’s logic. Certain policies and pushes of the government represent a clear danger to the quality of democracy in Israel. The fact that citizens from all strata of the political sphere are voicing concern about the growing danger posed to Israeli democracy is significant.
Just a day ago I received an e mail Mohammad Barjieh was is currently in prison. I am curious what Ben Gvir would have to say about his situation. Barjieh is Palestinian but I think the actions against him have a role in our internal debate about Israeli democracy. I fear that the repression of Palestinian non violent action against the occupation could soon be used against Israeli action against the occupation. Here is the email and a video about Mr. Barjieh:
Dear All.
As you might know, Mohammad Barjieh has been arrested together with the rest of the popular committee in his village of Maasarah. The video of the arrest can be seen here
The Israeli and British national who were arrested together with Mohammad were released a few hours later but Mohammad and his brother are held without bail in Ofer military prison. Unless something changes they can spend many months in jail while their trial goes on. His layer Lymor Goldstein is challenging Mohammad’s detention in military court on Turesday. It is important to show support for him by attending court, please come and show your support. For more details please contact me no later than Sunday since visitors should be coordinated with the court.
Arrests of Peace Activists
May 23rd
I was arrested today because the state does not want its own citizens to see how it supports illegal outposts. I went to Hilltop 26 to view the progress of the outpost that I have been writing about over the past month. As is customary, the IDF, which was stationed at the hilltop today, declared it a closed military zone within minutes of our arrival. According to the discretion of the commanders, only non-settler Israelis were forced to leave the area.
They showed us the order which, according to the laws of the State of Israel must follow certain criteria in order to be official. Chief among them is that the order must be signed by the commander of the area. The order showed to us was not signed and as such is against the law. Ta’ayush was willing to accept the order and leave the area but we wanted to see the settlers removed from the area as well. (See Max Blumenthal’s excellent video of the settlers being removed from hilltop 26 last Saturday) The commander said to this that he will decide who is removed from the area. This means that the government has decided that the settlers are allowed to remain at Hilltop 26 and anyone who wants to visit the area in order to document yet another outpost in the West Bank will be removed. Non settlers are essentially forbidden to view the actions of the state of Israel in the West Bank.
The army began using excessive force against Ta’ayush activists as we were peacefully leaving the area. They arrested two people who were not walking fast enough. At this moment, a solider got in my face and I said to him, you can take me as well. I was not able to take yet another visit to Hilltop 26, having to see the settlers enjoy the full support of the Israeli army. They arrested me and told me that I was disobeying an order from the IDF. As I was sitting in the army jeep with two other Ta’ayush members, we could see more and more settlers arriving to Hilltop 26 in clear violation of the closed military zone. One of the settler children thanked the army for removing the leftists.
The soldiers threw us into the army jeep, which was on with the air conditioning on high, and closed the doors. After a minute, one solider said to the other, turn the air conditioning off, leaving us to bake in the steamy locked vehicle. We sat in the heat and watched the settlers laugh at us and thank the soldiers individually. I felt like I was on another planet.
At the police station in Kiryat Arba, the police officers immediately began asking us why we would engage in provocation. “Why come here on the weekend and provoke? Don’t you have anything better to do with your time? Why are you always creating chaos here?” I found this to be insulting and another reflection of how Israelis view the settlements and the people that wish to document and expose them. What provocation were we guilty of? Documenting the IDF breaking the law? It is horrible the situation that we all face in Israel.
After waiting for an hour we were taken in for a formal interview by the police officers. They informed me that a military order was placed on the area and that I did not obey this order. I responded, on record, that the order was not official because it lacked a signature, that I was leaving the area in peace and the settlers violated the order by staying in their illegal outpost. I insisted I did nothing illegal, and rather that it is the soldiers’ very decision to remove us but allow settlers to remain at an illegal outpost that is the true crime.
After deliberation, the officers finally charged myself and another Ta’ayush member with disobeying an IDF order and told us that we would spend twenty four hours in jail with a hearing the next day in Jerusalem. As we were talking two members of Knesset called the commander at the police station informing him that the arrest was not valid and not in line with the law. As soon as the commander hung up the phone, he flashed us a grin and mocked us about the fact that the rest of the leftists were trying to help us.
Eventually we were put in the cell. Yehuda and I started to have a conversation about Shabbtai Zvi and Rev Nahum. We were getting comfortable and anticipating a long night ahead of us. Right before we entered the cell, the main commander told us that he would let us go in ten minutes if we agreed not to enter the south West Bank for two months. Yehuda told him that the maximum he was authorized to ban us for was 15 days, not two months. He left for another hour or so. We continued our discussion of Jewish history and finally the commander returned. He rephrased himself to 15 and after deciding to agree, we were free to go. Ezra came to pick us up and we were on the way home to Jerusalem. Yehuda told me that it was obvious that the police did not have a case and though they could legally hold us overnight, the judge would throw the case out and it would look bad for the police.
The bottom line is clear. The state will use every means of intimation and power that they can to bar us despite the fact that the laws of the State of Israel are on our side. We are citizens and we have the right to see what the government does in our name and with our money.
As I was sitting in jail today thinking about Hilltop 26, all the experiences from the last two months flooded into my mind: Ta’ayush members being shoved, hit, settlers spitting on us, the army always there siding with the settlers, etc. It seemed so striking that I was the one sitting in jail. I, an Israeli citizen residing in Jerusalem who wants to document an illegal outpost that I feel harms the safety of the entire state, was in disbelief that while sitting in jail, the settlers were still out there, free to build more and more.
update: I just received this comment as I am writing this post on a youtube video from today. Sorry for the language, it is not mine: From youtube user orrush
you fucking pieces of shit will do everything to make the IDF look like shit. you know what i think of u? u’re lower than my shit fuck u. i have more respect for my dog’s shit then i do to u… leave the IDF alone they’re protecting the state u live in and u have to be a fucking douche bag and make them look like shit… FUCK OFF!
Go IDF!
The Daily Beast Covers Ta'ayush at Hilltop 26
May 21st
Max Blumenthal of the Daily Beast joined us last week and filed a report about Ta’ayush working in Safa and hilltop 26.
More Questions at Hilltop 26
May 16th
Safa and Hilltop 26 16 May 2009
We met at the usual place. We split up our group and set off to the southern West Bank. My group was going to meet with farmers in the village of Safa. The other half of Ta’ayush was off to Um Zetuna. We arrived at Safa and met with the farmers that had been working since the early morning with a group of Israeli and international peace activists. The army had been quiet and since the farm land was in a deep wadi, it usually takes time for the settlers to understand that the farmers are working. After about an hour, a group of settlers appeared on the horizon and began chanting ‘death to Arabs’. This is predictable settler behavior and we continued working.
Eventually the Army arrived on the scene with a closed military zone order for the farm land that we were working. The normal conversations began but this time Amiel came with a print out of this Supreme Court decision. Amiel began reading aloud from the decision which states that the farmers must have access to their lands without the threat of closed military zone orders and harassment by the settlers. Amiel’s final plea was directly to the commander and he informed him that if the army evacuates us from the area it will be his personal decision and Ta’ayush will sue him directly for his illegal conduct. After that, the commander went back to his jeep. Apparently, Amiel had struck a nerve and the commander took some pause at the thought that he could be held personally accountable for breaking the law. Seldom have I witnessed a soldier ponder the ramifications of his decision to enforce a closed military zone.
The army did not bother us any longer after Amiel’s talk. The sun grew hotter and hotter as the day wore on. Eventually we sat and talked about the situation in the West Bank. Today, a journalist from the United States, Max Blumenthal, joined Ta’ayush. He is working on a number of web videos about the reality of the Israeli occupation in the West Bank. We spoke with him about the work of Ta’ayush and the situation in south Hebron. I asked him if he planned on traveling to Gaza. Max reported that in to get press permission to travel in Gaza, one has to sign military censor permission. Journalists are not allowed to publish the names of any generals or commanders that are involved in war crimes in Gaza. Sounds like an interesting story in itself.

Doing some interviews in Safa
Everyone jumped on tractors for a lift out of the wadi, which was the scariest part of the day and went back to the village. We had a brief rest in Safa en route to hilltop 26 with the rest of Ta’ayush. I have written about hilltop 26 here and here.
Our goal today at hilltop 26 was simple: check the situation, view the almost certain ‘closed military zone’ order that the army would greet us with and document the fact that the army does not remove the settlers. Today, however, things took a slightly different course.
We arrived at hilltop 26 and were greeted by the same group of teenage settlers. There was an IDF jeep parked right on the dirt road leading to the outpost which was a new development. Upon our arrival, the settlers reacted with normal barrage of petty insults and provocations. Often their dogs come over to us for attention and love, something I am sure they do not receive from the settlers. The settlers were enraged when we would pet the dogs and immediately removed them and then yelled at us for touching them. One dog went to an Italian woman from the International Solidarity Movement for attention. The settlers proclaimed that a bitch was petting a bitch. This is the normal rhetoric that comes out of their mouths.
The army unit slowly grew over the course of half an hour and finally they imposed a closed military zone on the area as we had expected. We protested the fact that the settlers were not being removed. For some reason, still unclear at this point, the IDF removed the settlers. Removed is too strong a word. The IDF ‘removes’ peace activists and today they asked the settlers to leave, at their own pace and in their own time.
Why did the IDF honor the law today? You can see in the video that one settler informs the commander that we (Ta’ayush) want the army not to remove the settlers so that we can record it. His source for this information….this very blog. Thanks for the support!
Ta’ayush was not able to see whether the settlers were fully and permanently removed from the area because we were threatened with arrest and had to leave in a hurry. I can guarantee that the settlers returned to the outpost shortly after we left the area. Today was the first time that the IDF enforced the closed military zone on the settlers. What can this mean for the legality of the land? Can we expect the army to remove the settlers every time we show up at the outpost? Are we merely in a lull of intensity there because of the Prime Minister traveling to Washington in a couple of days? Are our actions contributing towards the ultimate removal of this outpost? Are the settlers going to continue to read my writing even if they cannot understand English?

Ta'ayush activsts standing where our protest tent was constructed last week
There are many questions and not many answers right now. We have had some successful actions over the past days but many questions have arisen out of them. Being a peace activist takes time, patience and now that the summer is close, sunscreen.
Presence as a Purpose
May 15th
Gaweis, Southern West Bank 8 May 2009
As I have written, the ‘radical’ left in Israel is small. We do not have many people that are willing to give up their free time to monitor, confront and experience the occupation. Many of the radical left groups share resources and support each other in as many ways as possible. Such was the case today when, at 8:15 in the morning, Amiel received a phone call from Arik Ascherman from Rabbis for Human Rights. He was calling to see if anyone from Ta’ayush would join him in accompanying farmers near the settlement of Mitzpeh Yair. Ta’ayush did not have any plans that required many people, so Mairav and I volunteered to help out Arik.
Arik arrived with a sort of intensity that I have only seen among North American Jews. We were late before we left Jerusalem and had to make up time along the way. The story today was this: Abu Halil is the landowner of a wadi just under the settlement of Mitzpeh Yair. He has not experienced too much violence over the years from the settlers and the situation has been generally good for him. Recently, the IDF has been stopping him from working the land informing him that the land is “sterile”, which is a term I have not heard them use in the past. Rabbis for Human Rights have been monitoring the situation, filed a complaint and have received official permission for Abu Halil to use his land. We planned on calling the IDF on the way to Abu Halil’s land and informing them that we were planning on farming with them. There was no need today as the army was there before we arrived.
After some confusion in finding the right place to park we got the wadi of Abu Halil. Arik began informing the soldiers that the army is not allowed to impose a ‘closed military zone’ order on the area, according to the recent Supreme Court decision. He had all the proper documents including the land deed of Abu Halil. There was nothing the army could legally do to stop Abu Halil from working his land.
More soldiers arrived. One began asking how much money we get paid to be there. I informed him that we do not get paid. Because we are taking video, he asked if we were going to upload the videos to ‘hate websites’. Not sure what I have here is a hate site. After we explained our goals, a fellow soldier reported that he is more left than we are. At this remark, I stopped my conversation with the soldiers for the day.
The Palestinians continued to herd their sheep while we waited for the commander to arrive. Abu Halil was worried as his sheep ascended the wadi getting closer to the settlement. It is his land but he was too afraid to let his sheep herd without an Israeli by his side. As I was standing there, the banality of the experience sunk in. The livelihood of these farmers was being taken away and they could only maintain it with the help of Israelis standing guard making sure the IDF and the settlers would not attack them.
The sheep were scurrying around the wadi making a gentle rustling which sounded like the wind. It was calm but I was growing worried. The commander had not yet arrived and we were about two hundred meters below the settlement. I had not yet seen a settler and feared their arrival. The sheep kept rustling and we kept waiting for the commander.

Abu Halil's Land Deed
Suddenly the commander arrived, made a couple of phone calls and left, wishing us a Shabbat shalom. Two soldiers remained and one of them started up a conversation with one of the Palestinians about Ezra. The IDF is convinced that all peace activists and Palestinians that know Israeli peace activists have something to do with Ezra Nawi. There is good reason for this and that is why Ezra’s upcoming sentencing is so important for anyone that cares about the peace movement in Israel/Palestine.
After the conversation the soldiers return to the settlement which presumably functions as an IDF base as well as living quarters for radicals. Mairav, Arik and I laid down on the barren windswept earth and watched the sheep herd for four hours. It was hot and got to be boring. The Palestinians said that they were too afraid to be there alone and so we saw no other alternative but to stay. I was happy to have had the chance to talk with Arik about the situation and Rabbis for Human Rights. While we baked in the sun, we witnessed a sheep give birth which was a new experience. Baby sheep are really cute.

The situation in Israel is bad. The occupation and the settlers pose a significant threat to our democratic system of government and laws. Often the system does not work in the West Bank but sometimes it does. Today, Israeli laws regarding Palestinian shepards living near the settlement of Mitzpeh Yair were honored (not by the IDF’s own tuition but rather because of the tenacity of three activists carrying a copy of the Supreme Court ruling). Of course, not everything is perfect. All of this happened because three Israeli peace activists sat and guarded the farmers all day. One step at a time…
So we sat in a strange calm until the early afternoon. Of course we drank tea and Abu Halil’s wife back up at their home even prepared a meal for us. It was a quiet and successful day. If we do not continue to come, then Abu Halil will not able be able to his sheep. After a while of inactivity, the settlers will build something on the farm land (or just make it their own farm) and the army will recognize it as part of the settler territory. This is one of the ways that settlement expansion works. Today, our only purpose was a presence.


Breaking the Silence Testimony from Operation Cast Lead on YouTube
Jul 15th
Posted by Joseph Dana in Unarmed Resistance
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This is the first in a series of over thirty YouTube videos that Breaking the Silence will be releasing over the next days. The videos are testimonies by soldiers who served in Operation Cast Lead last January. Please visit this post for more information about the report.