Southern Hebron Hills
Under cover of darkness, Ta’ayush activists expose the stealing of Palestinian land (UPDATE)
Aug 25th
Ta’ayush activists have uncovered information that the Southern West Bank settlement of Susya is illegal stealing Palestinian land to increase the production of their Carmel Wine. Last week, under cover of darkness, a group of Jerusalem activists went to explore the vineyards. What they found was that many settlers are in fact stealing land in order to produce wine. This is nothing new however it is important to keep pressure on the settler groups through the dissemination of video and press about their illegal actions. Below is a video of their journey from Jerusalem. While the video is not full of the same type of action as the Friday demonstration videos, it is amazing to see how much work Israel in the middle of the night. Most of the illegal settlement construction, the stealing of land and the creation of the Separation Wall happens in the darkness. What does this country have to hid?
Carmel Wines has responded in an email to Ta’ayush activists:
Thank you for seeking clarification.
1. It is and was our policy that no grapes from over the green line/ West Bank, are used in Yatir or Carmel wines.
2. No grapes from over the green line will appear in Yatir or Carmel wines, now or in the future.
3. There is an internal investigation concerning this particular issue, but even before any conclusions, I can confirm the above two points still apply, now more than ever.
On a point of correction: Harvesting of grapes for wine often takes place at night. Also, Carmel produces 15 million bottles a year and does not seek to increase production.
Regards,
Adam Montefiore
אדם ס. מונטיפיורי
מנהל המחלקה המקצועית ליין
Adam S. Montefiore
Wine Development Director
Tel +972 3–9488806 טל
Mobile +972 54–6458851 נייד
Fax +972 3–9663129 פקס
adam@carmelwines.co.i
A village in the South Hebron Hills finally gets connected to the electricity grid after nine years
Aug 24th
The Israeli government is actively depriving villages throughout the South West Bank of basic services such as water, electricity and gas. The IDF believes that this deprivation will lead to villagers abandoning their villages and moving to major population centers. Of course, the abandoned village land is taken over by settlements and becomes another piece of the Israeli occupation puzzle. Samuel Nicholas, an American activist with the Christian Peacemakers Team, has been living in the small village of At-Tuwani for the past two years. He has an interesting piece today on Electronic Intifada where he describes the village’s battle for electricity and their seeming victory.
The West Bank village of al-Tuwani, after nine years of actively fighting and lobbying, has been connected to the Palestinian electrical grid. The al-Tuwani Village Council originally petitioned the Israeli District Coordinating Office (DCO), responsible for the coordination of civilian affairs in the occupied territories, for access to electricity in 2001. After facing nearly a decade of non-responses, delays, requests for additional paperwork, confiscations and demolitions, the village of al-Tuwani has successfully obtained electricity.
The State of Israel has categorically denied the Palestinians of the South Hebron Hills where al-Tuwani is located all of the amenities which are automatically granted to Jewish settlements and outposts. The nearby settlement, Maon, and outpost, Havat Maon, have had an array of services since their inception. Havat Maon is home to convicted murderers affiliated with the Kach party, including Yehoshafat Tor, who was involved in a plot to blow up an Arab girls school in Jerusalem in 2002. In an interview with the American Public Broadcasting Service, Tor had this to say about the place of Arabs according to his understanding of the Torah and the Jewish tradition: “We are following our hearts. What we should be doing is all written in the Bible. We just read it in our weekly Torah portion: expel the Arabs. Kick them out!” (“Israel’s Next War,” Frontline, Public Broadcasting Service, 5 April 2005).
Yehoshafat Tor and his kin have access to these amenities while Palestinian communities in the South Hebron Hills are forced to truck in water, heat water with donated solar panels, burn their trash, dig cesspools, and rely on rainwater to nourish their crops. Remarkably, Israeli policies in Palestinian communities in Area C, including those communities in the South Hebron Hills, appear to have a similar motivation as the aforementioned Zionist settlers — that is, to expel the Arabs.
How long the electricity will be allowed to stay on is a big question. But it seems as though the small village of at Tuwani, without internationally watched protests, has won a major battle against the mechanisms of Israeli occupation.
Settlers Attack as a Palestinian Villagers try to Secure Water in the South Hebron Hills
Aug 19th
Israel and the West Bank are experiencing record temperature this week. The heat always brings the issue of water access to the forefront of Palestinian minds in the South West Bank. The issue of water in Area C of the South Hebron Hills in the West Bank is a major one. Because the area is under full Israeli military and civil control, the Israeli government at the request of the Israeli army often denies water infrastructure for Palestinians villages. The idea is slowly starve the villages in order to pressure the residents into moving to major city centers such as Yatta and Hebron. Dramatic images of a Palestinian child holding on to his father as he is arrested by Israeli soldiers for ‘stealing water’ surfaced some weeks ago made international news.
Ta’ayush activists were on the ground in the South Hebron Hills last Saturday helping Palestinians create a water station for the village of Bir al Eid. What was captured on tape (below) are settlers verbally and physically attacking the activists and the Israeli soldiers that almost always accompany Ta’ayush activists in order to harass them. After the settlers rampage of destruction, the army turned to the Ta’ayush members with a closed military zone order. The struggle for water continues in the South Hebron Hills as settler violence shows no sign of slowing.
Building a Road to Save a Village in the South Hebron Hills
Aug 5th
Last Tuesday, my friend Noam Sheizaf and I gave a tour of the South West Bank to some friends from Europe and the United States. One of the many issues that we explored with our guests was the reality of daily life for Palestinians in the South Hebron Hills. Noam wrote today about the incredible shortage of water for Palestinians living in the village of Susya. This story is a simple one but reflects a core of the Israel’s control over the West Bank. One of the most difficult obstacles in reporting from the West Bank is to convey the simple experience of occupation. The water issue reflects the difficulty of daily existence due to the Israeli infrastructure of permits required for virtually any Palestinian project whether it be securing water or building a road.
Below is a video that I made a few months ago in Umm El Hir, the South West Bank village from which Nikolas Kristof filed his highly influential reports recently. In this video, Palestinians and Israelis work to repair a dirt road in the middle of the village. Within minutes, Israeli soldiers arrived armed with a ‘closed military zone’ order and demanded that the work to be stopped. The reason for the ‘closed military area’ order? Repairing the road was ‘illegal’ because the Palestinians did not have a work permit. Umm El Hir is in area C (according to the Oslo accord) of the West Bank which means that all control, civil and military, is in the hands of the Israeli military. Any water pipe or road work is subject to Israeli approval. While permits exist in theory, in practice they are impossible to obtain. When permits are issued they often come with the caveat that Israeli security forces must accompany Palestinian workers in case of a confrontation with Israeli settlers. The kicker is that the Israeli security forces are often ‘too busy’ to provide the necessary assistance thus rendering the work permit invalid.
Israelis with groups such as the Anarchists Against the Wall and Ta’ayush often assist Palestinians with the needed construction. The outcome is always the same; soldiers arrive to the scene, issue a ‘closed military zone’ order and arrest those who do not stop working within ten minutes. Slowly, Palestinians living in villages throughout the south West Bank are forced to give up on their villages and move to major city centers like Yatta or Hebron. Their villages are then absorbed into neighboring Israeli settlements which do not suffer any shortages of water or building permits. In this way, the occupation continues and classic models of colonialism are successfully employed by Israeli military strategists. Round up the native population in city centers and create settlements that ring around those population centers. This is the method that Israel has been using for years in the South Hebron Hills and it does not look like it is losing steam anytime.
Palestinian Children in West Bank Summer Camp: “Break the Silence, Break the Siege”
Jul 24th
This afternoon, I visited a Palestinian summer camp in the southern West Bank city of Beit Umar. The camp is named “The Freedom Flotilla Camp” and contains roughly one hundred youth aged 12 to 17 years old from the city. In addition to normal summer camp activities like swimming, playing football and general running around with friends, the children staged a festival titled “Break the Silence, Break the Siege.” The festival, which was organized by various popular struggle committees in the west Bank, included poetry about the occupation, plays about Palestinian interaction with settlers/soldiers and traditional ‘debka’ dances. The aim was to send a message to the international community that Palestine is unified and Gaza is not separate from the West Bank. The children wanted to express their concern about the silence of the international community over Israeli blockade of Gaza and the ongoing occupation of the West Bank.
The event took place after the weekly demo in Beit Umar against the occupation. I attended the increasing violent demo this morning with fellow activist Kobi Snitz. After the army violently injured one Palestinian photojournalist and rained sound grenades/tear gas on the non violent demonstrators, Kobi and I were invited to attend the children’s festival to address them about Israeli activists supporting of the popular struggle. Below video provided by Fil Kaler.
As soon as we arrived to the camp complex, a customary mob of kids surrounded us asking “what is your name?” and “where are you from?” in broken English. When I explained that I was Israeli from Jerusalem, most took a puzzled looked which only lasted for a couple of seconds and quickly dissolved as they would grab me by the hand and introduce me to all their friends.
During the festival, one by one a kid or groups of kids would get on stage to perform a poem or song about Palestine or the occupation. Most of the poems were about the unity of Palestine and expressed solidarity with the people of Gaza. After a slew of performances, it was Kobi’s turn to address the crowd. As he explained that we come from Israel and support the popular struggle movements in the West Bank in his Hebrew accented Arabic, I wondered what it would take for an Israeli summer camp to invite a Palestinian to address their participants. I tried to picture a Palestinian from Beit Umar addressing rowdy youngsters in Herzilya. To be honest, the picture was hard to convince.
A Blast from the Past: Clip about Ta’ayush and Ezra Nawi from 2004
Jul 19th
The Land of the Settlers is a five part documentary series created by Chaim Yavin, who was described by the Arab News as “the Israeli version of America’s Walter Cronkite”. With a handheld camera, Yavin traveled throughout his homeland of Israel and interviewed a range of Palestinians and Israelis in order to document the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Released in 2005, his series was too controversial to air on Israel’s public TV station, Channel 1, despite the fact that he had helped to create the station and served as its lead anchorman. It ran instead on Channel 2, creating a stir for its sympathy towards Palestinians.
The below segment chronicles the early years of actions by Ta’ayush and Ezra Nawi in the South Hebron Hills. One can see that the more things change, the more they stay the same. The beginning of the clip shows life in the contested city of Hebron in 2004-2005.
David Shulman Reports from South Mt. Hebron
Jun 27th
The following is a report from Professor David Shulman about Ta’ayush in the South Mt. Hebron Hills on the 26th of June 2010.
June 26, 2010 Bi’r el-’Id
There’s a strange beauty in the viscous black mud that comes up from the depths of the earth, from the bottom, or somewhere near the bottom, of the well we are cleaning in Bi’r al-’Id. Bucket after bucket of it, lifted by pulley from down below, straggles to the surface, where we unload it and pour it out on the rocky escarpment. Its texture changes remarkably over the long morning hours from a watery top layer to heavy, shiny dark loam to a granular, sticky brown. It has a strong smell, like the sulphurous mud from the Dead Sea (not very far away) that people smear over their bodies for healing. Yehuda says the Palestinians of Bi’r al-’Id should bottle it and sell it at the airport: “Sacred Mud from the Sacred Desert.” There’s no end to it. The buckets go down and up, down and up, heavier each time; the rope attached to the pulley is now caked solid with mud, and the escarpment has turned into a mire. Amiel, Dolev, and Danny are down in the dark recesses, filling the buckets alongside Haj Isma’il. Suddenly Ezra arrives—he was released from jail only a few days ago—and immediately lowers himself, like Spider Man, down the shaft. You can’t stop him. When they emerge hours later, they are black troglodytes, covered with mud from head to toe; and we, too, working the buckets above ground, are splattered, encrusted, soaked.
When I said goodbye to Amiel almost five months ago, he said, “We will meet in the spring, and when you get back, things will be the same here, just a little worse.” But actually in some ways they’re a lot worse. The continuing struggles against the occupation, on the ground in the territories, take their usual grim course, but inside Israel hardly a day passes without some new and sickening jolt. The country is in the grip of violent nationalist paranoia spiked with inventive forms of wickedness and active hatred for Palestinians, of an intensity I’ve never seen before. Here, for example, is what Yulia Shalamov Berkovitch, a member of the Knesset (from the Kadima “centrist” party), has to say: “”Israeli academia apparently suffers from ‘Palestinomania,’ a mild psychological illness whose symptoms include self-hatred, an affinity for Israel’s enemies, Jewish anti-Semitism and/or anti-Zionism. The spread of ‘Palestinomania’ demands the immediate and painful treatment for all of our sake, and the sooner the better” (Haaretz, June 21). I wonder what treatment she has in mind: Lobotomies? Re-education camps? Firing squads? In the same report, we learned that the Minister of Education, Gideon Sa’ar, thinks that it is “important to examine the issues” raised by a rabidly right-wing group called Im Tirtzu in a report on “anti-Zionist trends” in Israeli universities. According to Im Tirtzu, 80% of the reading materials assigned in the departments of Political Science in Israel are anti-Zionist and anti-nationalist and should, one must assume, be banned. They seem to have a black list, which no doubt includes the works of Rousseau, Plato, and John Rawls. The minister, whom some once saw as relatively enlightened, apparently goes along with this. The next step, I suppose, is censorship in the classroom, followed by book burnings in the public square.
Milder signs of the times are everywhere; the mayor of Ramat Hasharon in the coastal plain has decreed that in all schools that require a uniform, the pupils, from next year on, will have to tie Israeli flags to their wrists. He must feel, perversely, that a lack of patriotism is eating away at the foundations of our national existence. Add to this the decision by Jerusalem’s mayor Barkat to demolish 22 Palestinian houses in Silwan—the same homes we saved by an international campaign in 2005—and the ongoing, indeed escalating evictions of Palestinian families from their homes in Sheikh Jarrah. Barkat seems intent on setting the city on fire.
But here we are in Bi’r el-’Id, where our Palestinian hosts are, miraculously, rebuilding the homes from which they were cruelly evicted over a decade ago. The sun is dancing, the wind fierce for a summer day, the sky endlessly open like the human heart at its best, like the desert stretching toward the horizon just below us. I ask my friend Muhammad how things have been during my absence. “Fine,” he says; “no problems.” Afterwards I hear that his father was recently assaulted by Yaakov Talya, the notorious settler-owner of the ranch aptly named Lucifer’s Farm, hardly half a mile away; when the soldiers turned up, they of course arrested Muhammad’s father. He is now awaiting trial. (Perhaps the military judges will send him to jail for the crime of having been attacked, as they have so many others we know.) And the road to Jinba, which we can see from our perch on the high ridge, has again been closed by the army after we punched it open with a water convoy last fall. Not long ago a boy from Jinba was seriously injured and had to be carried all the way up the mountain to the road near Bi’r el-’Id. Two weeks ago settlers from Chavat Maon entered Palestinian Twaneh, threw rocks at the villagers, and tried to set a Palestinian house on fire. In short: Plus ça change….
Yet mud-stained, back aching, thirsty, I surprise myself today. I am borne along on a wave of irrational, happy hope. I have missed these weekends in South Hebron—missed the people, the Arabic, the desert landscapes, maybe even the danger. Each moment we spend here has its own irreducible value. Each act of defiant friendship is self-fulfilling, self-delighting. There it is again, that odd, unpredictable happiness, the heady wine of inner freedom. Yesterday we marched in protest in Silwan—some 500 ordinary Israelis doing the simple, the decent thing—and at first I was wondering where the Palestinians were (most were standing at their windows and doors and watching us), and my colleague Yossi Zeira said to me: “This is our task. No one will do it for us. Every good action counts and adds to the pressure. Slowly they will add up and bring change.” Alan, walking beside me, said he had felt tired after a day at work and almost didn’t come, and then he remembered a phrase from the end of Stephen Poliakoff’s film “1939″: “It is when the good people, or even those who are only half-good, remain silent that evil flourishes.” And there are moments of still deeper insight. When Eileen heard the rhymed slogan we’ve been chanting—”Ein kedusha be’ir kvushah, There is No Sanctity in an Occupied City”—she said: “Maybe there is sanctity only in an occupied city.” I think she’s right. Nothing in my experience comes as close to the meaning of a word like “holy” as the act of protest against what the municipality and the police are doing in Palestinian East Jerusalem.
That’s also what Istvan tells me as we work the buckets by the well. He’s a religious man, and to him these Ta’ayush hours in South Hebron are what religion is all about: truth, for example, and loving-kindness. “The settlers think that they represent the true Judaism,” I say to him, “and sometimes I’m afraid they may be right.” “No,” he says, “they are certainly wrong.” At moments a great simplicity emerges in the mind, like cleaning a muddy well, and you taste a giddy seriousness, a sudden lightening of the heart. Sitting beside us is Ziad Muhamra, shot point-blank in the face by a soldier some years ago when Ziad refused to take his goats off his ancestral grazing grounds. He told me his story last time I was here. Ziad survived, thanks to a devoted Israeli surgeon. He was in hospital for a year, fed by tubes. Today he remembers happily the moment he ate solid food again for the first time—a banana. It took him half an hour to eat it, and the whole ward, the nurses and the doctors and the other patients, all gathered round to watch this astonishing event. Now he has come back to Bi’r el-’Id. When he mentions his doctor, searching for the foreign Hebrew name, it seems to me, for a second, as if this tough shepherd from the desert, a true survivor, is close to tears.
But some things are simpler than others. ‘Id has joined us today; we embrace like brothers when I see him. But his life in the village is perhaps no longer viable. People envy him—he is educated, articulate, self-possessed—and some don’t like the fact that he has Israeli friends. A few days ago Palestinians came to Umm al-Khair and tried to kill him; he managed to get away. He has a wife and a baby daughter, and it’s not clear where he can go; he’d like to study somewhere in Europe. He’s good with his hands, artistic by nature. Maybe we’ll be able to help him. Then there is Haj Isma’il, with his 33 children from four wives. How will he manage to support this huge tribe from his tent in the tiny, precarious khirbeh of Bi’r el-’Id? He wanted to take a fifth wife, but the Qadi wouldn’t allow it, not even when Haj Isma’il tried to persuade him he’d already divorced the first wife. “I still have my strength,” he says, “and I don’t want to waste it or take it with me to the grave.”
“So how was jail?” I ask Ezra when he emerges from the well. “Akhla—great,” he says; “highly recommended.” He was imprisoned for a month after Judge Eilata Ziskind found him guilty of attacking a police officer during house demolitions at Umm al-Khair, where ‘Id lives. I have no doubt that the charge was cooked up by the police in order to punish a central figure in the non-violent resistance to the occupation. The first week in jail, in Jerusalem, was hard; they refused to allow him to receive books, so he went on hunger strife—for four days he ate nothing, until the prison authorities relented. Afterwards he was transferred to Dekel Prison in Beer-Sheva, where things improved. The cell was filthy, he says, and infested with cockroaches who paid no heed to human attempts to drive them away; they slept with him in his bed, emerged from his towel when he showered. One day he asked the commanding officer: “Are these part of the menu or part of the punishment?” He found a 50-meter stretch of corridor where he was allowed to walk, and every day he would pace it up and down, for hours. He lost a lot of weight. But there’s no trace of bitterness in him—quite the contrary, today he seems to me at peace, and full of hope. At lunch I say to him, “I hear you’re feeling optimistic.” He laughs. “Yes. Just look around. Two years ago we didn’t even know the name of this place. These people had been driven off their land, the houses and terraces were destroyed, the wells stopped up. Now we’ve brought them back and stood by them, and we’ve helped them to stand up to the settlers and the soldiers and not to be afraid. They are here to stay. They are home. You can train people so they become able to resist. Even a few people like that make a huge difference. In the end we will win. So of course I’m optimistic. You must be optimistic, too, otherwise why would you be here?”
“we want to be”…settlers, activists and soldiers do a dance in the south Hebron hills
Jun 16th
Video from a last Saturday’s action in the South Hebron Hills. There are no English subtitles but the situation is quite clear. Soldiers remove shepherds from their farmlands, activists try to stop them and settlers attack Palestinians. The dance continues every day, every week.
Settlers Throw Stones and the Army Arrests Children- Video from Hebron 15 May 2010
May 19th
Below is video from the (now) weekly peace march to Open Shuhada Street in Hebron. While the video is not subtitled, one can get the feeling of the atmosphere during these marches and the behaviour of the IDF and the settlers.
What you see here is nothing short of breath taking… the settlers, in plain view, throw stones onto the peaceful protesters. The army responds by trying to arrest Palestinian children. The fiction of Kafka comes again to mind yet even Kafka could not think of something so bizarre. Hebron is a city without rules. It is the wild west of Israel and, in a profound way, the face of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank.
Ezra Nawi To Be Jailed For Non-violent Resistance to the Occupation
May 11th
On Sunday 23rd May 2010 Ta’ayush activist Ezra Nawi will be jailed for a month in consequence of his protest against demolitions in the Palestinian village of Um al-Chir (Please see video of the action below). As openly stated by his judge, the sentence is meant to deter him and others from such actions of protest. On the same day, their will be a protest meant to support Ezra and show commitment to continue the protest against the occupation and the oppression of Palestinians. This protest will be organized by Ta’ayush and be held in Jerusalem.
Ezra Nawi has been active for years in the area known as South Mt. Hebron. The Palestinians in this small desolate area in the very south of the West Bank have been under Israeli occupation for almost 43 years; they still live without electricity, running water and other basic services, and are continuously harassed by the Jewish settlers who constantly violate both Israeli and International law, and are backed by a variety of Israeli military occupation forces, all of which operate in an effort to cleanse the area from its Palestinian inhabitants and create a new demographic reality in it.
In March 2009, the judge Eilata Ziskind of the Jerusalem Magistrate’s (Peace) Court found Ezra Nawi guilty of assaulting a police officer and participation in a riot during a house demolition of a tin shack in the West Bank Palestinian village of Um el-Hir in the South Hebron hills, back in 2007. Nawi protested against the demolition by lying in front of a bulldozer, and later running into the shack before its demolition. Although throughout the whole incident Ezra kept to his principle of non-violent protest, in the end, he found himself arrested and charged with the aforementioned accusations that eventually led to his conviction based on the sole testimonies of two police officers who claimed that Nawi attacked them inside the shack. In addition, the judge Ziskind ruled that Ezra’s behaviour exceeded the limits of legitimate protest and therefore convicted him of rioting.
For more information about Ezra please visit his website Support Ezra.







