Video from Shiekh Jarrah by Yisrael Puternam

Video and report from Nil’in and Nabi Salih will be posted in next days as I am editing the footage now.

Combatants for Peace decided that the best form of protest for this illegal behavior was to build a structure next to the outpost itself. We wanted to gauge the reaction of the IDF if we engaged in the precisely the same activities as the settlers – except for one major difference: We were invited by the landowner such that our presence there was actually legit. Over two hundred Israeli, Palestinian and international activists approached the hilltop from two different angles to confuse the two units of soldiers protecting the settler outpost. The few soldiers that greeted us pronounced the area to be a ‘closed military zone’. Given the amount of people we had they could do nothing to bar us from the area. We arrived at the hilltop and began to build our protest tent. As soon as the structure—a few flimsy plastic tubes with cloth draped over them – was built, the IDF immediately moved in and destroyed it using stun grenades to remove anyone that was in the area. Their faces burned as red as that of the triangle on the Palestinian flag. We built the structure again and the IDF destroyed it again, finally deciding to confiscate the polls from us.

Combatants for Peace then held a press conference for the various Arabic language reporters on the scene. There were no American or Israeli media outlets present despite invitations by Combatants for Peace. The Arab media is evidently more interested in covering the story of nonviolent resistance to the occupation by Israelis and Palestinians than the US or Israeli media.

During the press conference, an Israeli member of the Combatants for Peace made an interesting point about the role of the United States in this conflict. He proclaimed to the crowd, “We must remember that this conflict is between us and our Palestinian neighbors, and if we do not continue to remind the Israeli society and government of this, we will continue to wrongly believe that if we reach agreements with the Americans everything will be OK. No! The agreement must be made with the Palestinians and the construction of another illegal outpost damages our chances of reaching such an agreement.”

The conference came to an end and we began to leave the hilltop. As we were leaving, a settler from the outpost ran towards the group. The soldiers guarding the settler outpost immediately went after him as he was clearly looking for confrontation. As the soldiers approached him he pulled out a gun and pointed it directly at the soldiers. After a brief but tense pause the soldiers were able to get the gun from him. Had one of the nonviolent peaceful protestors attempted such an action they would have surly been attacked or shot. But there are two sets of laws in Israel and the West Bank: one for the settlers and one for everyone else. Imagine someone in the United States pulling out a gun and pointing it in the face of a police officer or soldier? What would happen to that person?

In the Wild West Bank these types of things happen every day and the violent people that perpetrate these crimes hardly ever have to answer for them.

Reading about the expected violence from settlers brings up thoughts about the 2005 Gaza disengagement, when most of the country was bracing itself for what was feared to become a civil war. Of course, there was no violence. Not a single soldier was hurt in a substantial way. So why all the hoopla then and now?

West Bank outpost of Maoz Esther being rebuilt hours after it was demolished by the IDF

Israel wants to appear as if it is making ‘painful concessions” that inflict a major cost on Israeli society. While it is quite dramatic for the settlers to leave an outpost, the real cost to Israeli society is the amount of energy, funding and moral and political peril we pay as a result of the settlement project.

What is not being reported nearly enough in Israeli news is that the community that faces the most hardship as a result of outpost evacuation is the Palestinians, who must deal with the ‘price tag’ reprisals of the settlers. The settlers often rampage through the West Bank after an outpost has been dismantled, burning Palestinian fields and throwing stones at their cars. The IDF generally allows them to ‘blow off steam” and does not intervene. Yet, the Israeli hasbara machine wants us to believe that the threat of violence from the settlers to our troops is out of control, when in reality, it is lawful conduct that is out of control.

If you are able to read Hebrew please visit this important website concerning the Gaza war set up by Rabbis for Human Rights.

Mairav Zonszein, Antony Loewenstein and Joseph Dana write:

The occupation can seem predictably mundane from a distance. To most Israelis the settlement project is seen as a problem, but a problem happening “over there” and utterly removed from their lives. Rampaging settlers are viewed occasionally on television. Violent Palestinians are seen to resist for no apparent reason. The international community and Barack Obama are protesting the illegal outposts and ongoing colonial project in the West Bank with polls suggesting that many Israelis are opposed to this apparently unfair pressure.

They should spend a day in the West Bank.

For the last three months, Ta’ayush activists have been accompanying Palestinian farmers from Safa to their lands just below the settlement of Bat Ayin. Since a child from the settlement was murdered in April, settlers have been consistently attacking Palestinians when they attempt to work in their fields, as well as burning the fields themselves – all under the nose of the IDF, which has done nothing to prevent the crimes or punish them.

The scenes from Safa in this period have been grim. If it is not the settlers aggressively driving out the local farmers, it is the army, which acts in complete disregard of Israeli Supreme Court rulings. After weeks of confrontations and brutal arrests, the army seemed to realize that we would not go away, and they would have to change their tactics.

Two weeks ago the army issued a 45-day closed military zone order on the agricultural land of Safa for all Israelis and internationals, asserting that our services would not be needed any longer, as they would ensure the Palestinians could work their land with the army’s protection. In these two weeks, Ta’ayush decided to respect the order and see if the army would indeed deliver on what it promised. However, during this time, the settlers infiltrated the agricultural land of Safa and cut down fruit trees and burned crop fields. Thus, despite the area being a closed military zone for all Israelis, somehow the settlers managed to get past the IDF and commit crimes.

This morning we went back to Safa. As Palestinian Ta’ayush activist Issa Slevi told us later, “The soldiers are settlers but in uniform. They both symbolize the occupation.”

After a local family gave us a sugary glass of tea under a blackberry tree, a large group of Ta’ayush activists and internationals from the International Solidarity Movement and Palestine Solidarity Project walked through the village of Safa towards the fields. The town itself is dusty, with some homes half-finished while other structures have circular staircases on the outside. “I Love Hamas” was sprayed in English on a wall. Children pointed and waved while the women stood together and smiled. Some men led the procession of around 50 people, including the Palestinians. Accredited journalists, from Reuters and Lebanese media, followed. One even held a gas mask, expecting tear-gas.

It was Saturday and the settlers on the nearby hill were virtually invisible. Their houses and caravans sat illegally nearby. A number of IDF soldiers soon appeared on a horizon and approached from the other end of the dirt track. A confrontation was inevitable. The aim was to accompany the Palestinian farmers to their land in the gorge to protect against settler attacks. In the past, activists were physically assaulted and beaten with batons by the IDF so we expected the worst. We didn’t predict two hours of heated debate and political discussion.

The soldiers announced that the Palestinians were allowed to pass on their own and tend their fields. The farmers were highly skeptical because settlers would likely attack them. Some activists pushed the IDF to join the Palestinians but they were denied access. Minor scuffles ensued. Supreme Court orders were produced to explain a 2006 ruling that refused the military being able to impose a “closed military zone” to prevent Palestinians working their fields. The IDF regularly breaks the law of its own country, let alone international law. Activists see it every week.

Unlike previous encounters, the IDF commander seemed like a reasonable man, urging restraint from his men and trying to avoid contact. It was a fruitless task, as the soldiers seemed incapable or unwilling to understand the Palestinian hesitance to farm on their own. One old Palestinian farmer, the owner of the area, arrived. He rode down the path on a donkey, alighted, and walked with a stick. He was highly agitated and screamed at the soldiers. He lifted his shirt after a while to show bruise marks caused by settlers.

Eventually Palestinians decided to pass, both men and women, while a number of activists sat down in front of the soldiers. Others milled around. Video cameras and cameras were in abundance, possible explaining the less aggressive approach of the soldiers. This didn’t stop them from arresting 10 people, who were all detained briefly and released soon after. The activists – who did not resist arrest – knew that if brought before a judge, the army would have been found to have acted illegally. This explains why so often the army releases them before it can happen.

The location of the encounter was actually beautiful. A gorge sat at the bottom of a valley, with green fields and olive groves dotting the landscape.

As we waited and sat under a tree to find some shade, an IDF soldier approached us “to talk about the issues.” He was an American Jew around 30 who had made “aliya” to Israel in 1997. He was not a religious fanatic but argued rationally, despite the confused nature of his argument. He initially acknowledged the Palestinians were under occupation then later said the land was “disputed” and had been given by Jordan. He said the IDF was a “humanitarian model” to the world.

We asked if he’d read the recent Breaking the Silence report on alleged atrocities in Gaza . He said he had not but criticized the soldiers for staying anonymous. When challenged about the use of white phosphorous in civilian areas, he replied that it was not illegal to do so. In fact, it is illegal to use the destructive weapon for anything other than flares and certainly not in civilian areas. Countless human rights groups have accused Israel of using the weapon during its war against Gaza in December and January.

The soldier said he saw himself as protecting the settlers, Palestinians and activists, though we reminded him that the IDF usually only protects the settlers and covers their crimes. We agreed that the potential for confrontation between all parties was high. But why remove the peaceful non-violent leftists? The settlers were the most violent party in Safa. Why doesn’t his unit bar them from entering the gorge and allow us to farm with the Palestinians? He dismissed this question outright. Although he didn’t reside in a settlement, he mumbled something defensive when challenged why the Israelis hadn’t prevented the burning of the fields in the last days and weeks.

He seemed a little conflicted about his role in the territories, despite his arrogant air. He defended the killing of civilians – “you know what Colin Powell said during the invasion of Panama? In war, there’s always collateral damage” – but he was open to alternative views. We joked that it would take a while doing drugs in India to get over his conscience after the things he’d seen and done in the West Bank.

It was a strange discussion, though largely friendly and slightly accusatory. A case-study of the soldier would probably reveal a deep-seated need to defend his actions. He constantly talked about “protecting Israeli democracy” though his main job is protecting the settlement project. Palestinians despise their presence, even if violent resistance is relatively uncommon these days.
We disagreed amongst ourselves to the importance of engagement with IDF soldiers. Joseph wasn’t convinced of the necessity, believing the actions of the man spoke far louder than words. Ultimately, he defended the occupation. Antony was more circumspect and wondered if such encounters could contribute to a slow, changing attitude within the soldiers. Joseph argued that things were desperate when even the seemingly decent Israelis were finding ways to defend the situation.

After we left Safa, we briefly visited Issa Slevi’s home in Beit Umar, a long-time believer in non-violent action, in a room with a high ceiling. As we drank hibiscus juice and then piping, hot tea, he told us about the reality of constant IDF harassment of towns and fields. “The media presents the Palestinians as murderers and terrorists and the Israelis as victims”, he said. “The whole world identifies with the Israelis.”

Slevi spoke of a time when his hope for a resolution in the early 1990s had inspired him to distribute flowers to soldiers. But today he was despondent about Fatah – “an Oslo puppet regime” – and damned the “peace process” of the 1990s. It has produced nothing more than settlements and settler violence. He compared the situation in Palestine to the Jim Crow period in the US, “when there were signs that were for ‘dogs only.’ Today, the situation is the same for the Palestinians but there are no signs.”
Despite all the abuse and violence, Slevi was fundamentally opposed to violence. He never spoke to settlers. He wanted a country where both peoples could interact and mingle freely, regardless of religion and political affiliation.

The day was relatively normal in an utterly foreign reality.

Breaking the Silence testimony gaza

As the United States starts to wake up for the day more news is coming out about the Breaking the Silence Testimony Report from Operation Cast Lead. Mikhael Manekin of Breaking the Silence has a brilliant piece in the Huffington Post about how the testimonies conflict with the official government line of what took place during the war. He writes:

“Most important, the spokesperson claimed that all soldiers received precise rules of engagement when they entered the operation, with an emphasis on avoiding injury to civilians. Many soldiers testified that in their units there was total disregard for civilian safety and a permissiveness they had never encountered in previous operations. “If you are not sure – shoot. If there is doubt then there is no doubt,” one combatant said he was told.”

Jerry Haber at the Magnes Zionist is also covering the story by giving commentary and reprinting full testimonies of soldiers. Please take a look at his site for these important updates.

Lastly, the Israeli government has responded in an upsetting but not surprising way. From the official statement:

“The IDF Spokesperson Unit regrets the fact that yet another human rights organization is presenting to Israel and the world a report based on anonymous and general testimonies, without investigating their details or credibility. Furthermore, this organization denied the IDF the minimal decency of presenting the report to the IDF and allowing it to investigate the testimonies prior to the report’s publication. This was done while defaming and slandering the IDF and its commanders.”

Breaking the Silence is doing incredible work on behalf of the Israeli public. They are working, in the face of internal difficulty, for the betterment of Israeli society. It is upsetting to see Israel labeling BTS as a “human rights organization” in such a dismissive way. Would it not be easier for the state to deal with the testimonies and fix the problems within the military leadership?

Over the past six months they have been collecting testimonies from soldiers that served in Operation Cast Lead about the reality of the war from their eyes and experience. I have read the document and was shocked at the stories on so many levels. The fact that white phosphorus was used as a weapon, the absolute destruction of Gaza, the “shoot first ask questions later” mentality, the atmosphere of sick untouchability of the commanders telling their troops to act brutally and finally the absolute lies that the State of Israel put out about its conduct in the Gaza war. The international media is beginning to cover the story and most of the news coverage today regards IDF using human shields during the Gaza campaign. What words can I put down as commentary for this? How do you discount the testimony of a soldier who was ordered to use human shields or destroy entire neighborhoods?

A passage that struck me is on page 54 and I have reprinted it below.

Testimony 24- Regarding Briefings & House Demolitions

I was a D-9 operator, and was called up for reserve duty on Saturday, January 3rd, I think, got there on January 4th.

Which is just when the ground –offensive began, right?

Yes

So you arrive and get briefed, what were the briefings you had?

Yes. Target practice, a drill here, a drill there. The infantry really trained hard, but we had nothing to train with, there was no equipment. In short, what shocked me was a talk we had with the commander of ***, he’s a colonel, and he gave our whole battalion a talk. First of all he started out with something like, “Unfortunately we’re a democracy, so we can’t demolish Gaza to the extent that we’d really like.” Perhaps he didn’t actually say ‘unfortunately’ but he repeated, twice, that ‘the fact we’re a democracy works against us, for the army cannot act as aggressively as it would like.” Then he said once again that we’re going into this operation aggressively, without… Usually in such talks the army, the commanders mention the lives of civilians and showing consideration to civilians. Here he didn’t even mention this. Just the brutality, go in there brutally.

Those are the words he used?

Yes. He said, “In case of any doubt, take down houses. You don’t need confirmation for anything, if you want.” Perhaps it’s legitimate, but if you suspect the presence of an explosive charge, you should get confirmation for a tank to fire. In short, a tank would fire a shell on the basis of a suspected charge. This is perhaps legitimate, but he also said, “Fortunately the hospitals are full to capacity already, so people are dying more quickly.” Then someone answered him, one of the soldiers replied cynically: “So kill the doctors” The commander replied dismissingly, not understanding his cynical intent, twice: “We’re a democracy, we can’t do things the way we would like to do them.” He didn’t leave anytime for questions, either.

Jerry Haber at the Magnes Zionist just finished reading the document and has these conclusions:
1. Operation Cast Lead was a “war” in which only one side fought and fought with little restraint.
2. White phosphorus was used against international conventions.
3. The devastation was enormous, on an unprecedented scale in the Israeli warfare.
4. Vandalism was
5. Gazans Were Used as Human Shields

In Israel, Haaretz broke the story and currently is featuring the story on its English website. It is curious that the Hebrew version of Haaretz has the story placed “under the fold”. The Jerusalem Post is not even covering the story yet and Ynet has a small headline in its news section. The BBC, by contrast, is carrying the story as its main headline.

Yesterday, members of Ta’ayush set out to have a picnic at an illegal outpost built on Palestinian land next to the settlement of Susya in the southern West Bank. Susya is divided into three places; Palestinian Susya, Jewish settlement Susya and archeological site Susya. Often, the first construction of an illegal outpost is a synagogue which the IDF is less willing to destroy. About one year ago settlers from Susya built a synagogue on the privately owned land of a local Palestinian. The area is known as Flag Hill (Givat HaDegal). Within weeks, the settlers had laid a foundation for one house and sure enough today a house now stands on Flag Hill. The IDF actively protects the house despite there being no full time inhabitants.

We encountered problems before we even arrived at the outpost. A minibus of Ta’ayush activists was stopped at the main checkpoint separating Jerusalem and the southern West Bank. Soldiers asked for our ID cards and without a stated reason held us at the checkpoint for over an hour. Presumably, they were requesting an order from a high commander that would bar us entry to the West Bank, efficiently denying us freedom of movement because we were engaged in left wing actions. This order never came. The commander at the checkpoint wrote down our names and ID numbers while informing us that we were not allowed to enter the south West Bank and if we were found to be in a “military area” we would be detained for 48 hours. This, of course, was a lie as he had no authority to issue such a statement and it was not put in writing. He was trying to frighten us which he failed to achieve. We entered through another checkpoint and eventually made our way to the picnic.

Ta’ayush has been monitoring the expansion of Flag Hill and yesterday decided to have a peaceful picnic in protest of the Army’s active participation in maintaining this outpost. We were a group of Jewish Israelis invited by the Palestinian land owner to have a picnic on his land. We thought, by all accounts, we had every right to be there. As we walked up the hill to the outpost, five or six IDF soldiers came to greet us. Without an order from a commander, they could do nothing so we continued and set up our picnic complete with hummus, watermelon and homemade pita from the land owner. A commander arrived within minutes and pronounced the area a closed military zone ordering us to leave within five minutes or face arrest. We continued to enjoy the picnic as the Army began arresting people, going after Ezra Nawi first.

The IDF arrested three people and removed the rest of us, over 20 people, from the hilltop. We returned to the land owner’s home and waited for word from those arrested. They were driven to a checkpoint about 15 minutes away from Susya and simply dropped off. One of those arrested told me that he was saying to the soldiers, “you are showing me that you broke the law and not me. If I did something wrong arrest me! Take me to a judge. But you are unwilling because I did nothing wrong and you did”